Viktor Orbán will fail in his aspirations unless he changes his course—perhaps not soon, but ultimately he will fail. In a recent speech, Orbán outlined his policy direction: he said that despite the fact that the Ukraine had worked against his election, he supported them in their efforts to rebuff Russia; he said that although the EU opposes his policies, he will work for a Christian EU; he said he would defend Hungary and traditional families, then praised his new female president; he said he was for free enterprise, yet said he had introduced price controls. This is why Orbán will ultimately fail: he wants to have his cake and eat it—and, in the process, he has become a hypocrite.
As a democratic politician, it is difficult for Orbán to avoid this situation—to be a democratic politician is to be a hypocrite; the democrat must promise one thing to the mob and then another—usually the two items are contradictory. Orbán is willing to “turn the other cheek”, his Christianity: the Ukrainians try to get rid of him, yet he turns around and helps them—the error is characteristically conservative, you spit in their eye and then they offer to put you up when you cannot pay the rent. The Ukrainians, even if Orbán helps them, will not repay him with kindness—their coin is betrayal. If someone hits you, you hit them back—tit-for-tat is a viable strategy.
Similarly, the EU is an anti-Christian and anti-European organisation; it exists to destroy and extirpate the classical and Christian legacy on the continent—to destroy Europe. How does the EU work? In Britain, the socialists have always advocated devolution; so we have fake organisations—the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, regional mayors, the Mayor of London—that exist to create jobs for the boys, to break up the ancient county system (just as the French Revolution instituted départements), to break up the unitary state, and to socialise the economy at the regional level so that quasi-nationalisation cannot be undone by Parliament. Inside the country, the socialists work for these goals; outside the country, the EU works to encourage “the regions” and “Scottish independence”.
Yet, as with Catalan independence, it is a phoney nationalism: the Scottish nationalists would immediately submit to total domination by Brussels—and their idea of a Scotsman is Idi Amin, “the last king of Scotland”, not Jock MacGregor; for this is nationalism against the nation—anyone can be a Scotsman or a Welshman, per EU regulation 404A-d-1342-d. The socialists eat a nation from below, the EU eats it from above—the crocodile jaws that consume a people, the machine that kills nations; and it has no Christian content at all—long ago the socialists and Eurocommunists learned they can use the EU institutions to impose socialism from above, by “trade regulation”, when it is rejected at the national level.
Orbán thinks he can play both sides; he is deluded—the EU hates him, and so long as Hungary remains within the union their agents will work to undermine him. His support for the Ukraine will mean nothing—he is an “authoritarian”, a “Hitler”; the EU exists to murder peoples and extirpate Christianity—it will not let him have his way.
Per Dante, Orbán remains the most damned: he will not choose, he will not be a progressive European; nor will he be in the Russian sphere; nor will he take the third way, Hungary alone—leave the EU and declare neutrality. Orbán thinks he can play all sides, from greed or perhaps self-delusion; the anti-Communist activist cannot believe that the West is really communist with a small “c”—the reality is too horrific for him to contemplate, a genuine PKD novel. To think the EU will become Christian is as preposterous as to suggest the USSR would do the same. Orbán talks about Christianity, very easy—yet he will not follow Jesus, he will not renounce hypocrisy; it is too hard.